Writings and Cries for Freedom

First edition of one of the most important revolutionary publications against the African slave trade and the first manifesto of the Society of the Friends of the Blacks, founded in February 1788 by Jacques-Pierre Brissot, Étienne Clavière, and Mirabeau, barely nine months after the London Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade, which served as their model.
 

 

Rare and genuine posthumous first edition of the first six books of the Confessions, the remaining volumes not appearing until 1789. Several other editions were issued shortly thereafter, but the evidence provided by the commentary published in the June 1782 issue of the Journal Helvétique clearly establishes that this separately printed edition, known as the "large type" issue, is indeed the very first (F. Michaux, "L'Édition originale de la première partie des 'Confessions' de J.-J. Rousseau" in Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France, 35th Year, No. 2 (1928), pp. 250-253).
Contemporary half calf bindings, flat spines tooled with gilt fillets and decorated with beige morocco title and volume labels, marbled paper boards, all edges blue.
A handsome copy of this seminal text of the autobiographical genre, preserved in a contemporary binding.

Autograph letter signed by George Sand, addressed to her friend Stéphanie Bourjot, daughter of Étienne Geoffroy-Saint-Hilaire. Four pages written in blue ink on a folded bifolium bearing George Sand’s monogram. Fold marks as usual.
 
This letter was partially published in Correspondance, vol. XIV, no. 7846.
A beautiful and partly unpublished letter in which George Sand discusses Marie Pape-Carpantier’s book and the education of her young maid, Marie Caillaud : « It is an excellent book, which I use to teach my young maid to read. She is extraordinarily intelligent, and this book opens her mind to all sorts of sound ideas. Educating this 18-year-old child—who, six months ago, was only two in terms of knowledge—has been a unique experience. She now seems her age, yet retains all the innocence of childhood. So every evening, we read Marie Carpentier’s little stories, and I enjoy them just as much as my pupil does. »
 
Marie Caillaud was only eleven years old when George Sand hired her to wash dishes and tend to the chicken coop, a task that earned her the nickname “Marie des poules.” But the writer soon recognized the young peasant girl’s intelligence, appointed her as housekeeper, and by 1856 included her in the performances of the Nohant theatre. Her education is first mentioned in early 1858, notably in a letter from George Sand to her friend Charles Duvernet: « During my winter evenings, I took on the education of little Marie, the one who acted with us. From a dish washer, I immediately raised her to the rank of housekeeper, a role for which her excellent mind makes her perfectly suited. The greatest obstacle was that she couldn't read. That obstacle no longer exists. In thirty half-hour lessons—fifteen hours in a month—she mastered all the difficulties of the language slowly but perfectly. This miracle is due to the admirable Laffore method, which I applied with the utmost gentleness to a perfectly lucid mind. » (16 February 1858)
 
Marie Caillaud would go on to become a notable actress at Nohant and move in the circles of George Sand’s illustrious guests: Delacroix, Gautier, Dumas, Prince Jérôme Bonaparte…
But Marie was not George Sand’s first pupil. All her life, Sand was deeply interested in pedagogy and taught not only her children and grandchildren, but also members of her household staff and local peasants.
 
This letter is a remarkable testament to her hands-on approach as a teacher, always seeking new and effective ways to impart knowledge : « What is lacking—or at least what I haven’t found—is a true reading method. I’ve devised one for my own use (never written down), based on Laffore’s and adapted to my own ideas. But what I haven’t found in primers for children or public school manuals is a well-crafted exercise book that teaches reading logically while also making sense of spelling. Does such a book exist? » Far from a casual activity, education was central to George Sand’s worldview. As Georges Lubin noted, her aim was not merely to teach literacy. Taught to write by her own mother at the age of five, Sand understood from an early age that the only path to equality lay through intellectual emancipation: « She understood very early on that the only road to equality was intellectual emancipation. The ignorance imposed upon women was the root of their servitude. The ignorance imposed upon the working classes underpinned class inequality. Education was the key to opening locked doors. » (« George Sand et l'éducation » in Nineteenth-Century French Studies, 1976)

A beautiful and important testimony to George Sand’s tireless struggle for the emancipation of women through education.

First edition, a numbered copy on alfa du Marais paper, this one not included in the justification.
Handsome autograph inscription signed and dated by Aimé Césaire to Raymond Queneau: “Très sympathique hommage de ces bucoliques de sang et de soleil... [a very affectionate homage of these bucolics of blood and sunshine...]”
Covers and spine slightly sunned at edges (but not seriously).

Autograph letter by Pierre-Joseph-Marie Proudhon, signed and dated 7 November 1862. 3 pages in black ink on a bifolium. Fold of the bifolium weakened, without affecting the text. Not included in the correspondence published by Lacroix in 1875.
Significant and likely unpublished letter from Proudhon to his publisher Alphonse Lebègue, whom he considers "the cause of liberty in France and independence in Belgium" in these lines. 

Proudhon underscores the importance of his ideological struggle for federalism in Europe, following the controversial publication of his pamphlet La Fédération et l’unité en Italie, and a few months before his political testament Du Principe fédératif. He fiercely criticizes his famous adversary Adolphe Thiers’ Histoire du Consulat et de l’Empire. Since his years in Brussels, Proudhon had intended to write a book debunking the Napoleonic myth as promoted in Thiers' work.

First edition - only published issue of this journal of the Resistance.
Minor rubbing at head and foot of spine, slight tears in margins of covers.
Anonymous texts by Claude Bourdet, Maurice Clavel, Jean-Louis Curtis, Yves Gandon, Flavien Monod and Maximilien Vox, who was the magazine's director.
This single issue was put together between December 1943 and March 1944, but La Revue noire could not be published during the Occupation. The final press proof was given on 15 February 1944 and the imprint is dated 15 February 1945.
A rare and pleasant copy.

First edition in French, of which there were no deluxe copies.

Foxing to spine and margins of boards, retaining the dust jacket which has small marginal tears.

Rare dated autograph inscription signed by William Styron to journalist Paule Villers.

First edition, one of 120 numbered copies on Lafuma pure wove paper, the only large-paper issue.

Endpapers very slightly and marginally toned, two small tears at foot of spine.

A rare and much sought-after copy in original state.

First edition, one of 35 numbered copies on deluxe paper, the only deluxe copies.
Rare and handsome copy.

First edition.
Former owner's name on upper left corner of title page, spine wrinkled.
Our copy exceptionally contains signatures of several members of the editorial committee of the Association des déportées et internées de la Résistance or former deportees to the Ravensbrück camp, including: Renée Mirande-Laval, Jacqueline Souchère-Richet, Hélène Renal, Rose Guérin, Jacqueline Rigault, Simone Gournay, Marie-Antoinette Allemandi-Clastres, some of whom have added their deportee registration number below their signatures.

First edition, one of 70 numbered copies on pure thread paper, ours being one of 15 hors commerce copies lettered under Ingres covers, deluxe copies after 2 reimposed on pure thread laid paper hors commerce reserved for Jacques Hébertot and 13 holland paper copies.
Minor marginal tears of no consequence to the covers.
Handsome and rare copy of this response by Albert Camus to Jean-Paul Sartre's "Les mains sales".

First edition, one of 12 numbered copies on hollande paper, the only large paper copies.

Full red shagreen binding, spine with three raised bands decorated with gilt fillets and gilt cartouche enriched with black typographic motifs, marbled paper endpapers and pastedowns, bookplate affixed to pastedown, original wrappers and spine preserved, top edge gilt, other edges uncut.

Foxing to some uncut edges.

Autograph inscription signed by Georges Clemenceau to Monsieur Henry Leyret, political and judicial chronicler and editor at L'Aurore.

Original albumen print photograph of Charles de Gaulle, wearing the Cross of Lorraine and the insignia of the Free French Forces, likely taken shortly after the Liberation. Studio stamp of Harcourt Paris within the photograph, under mat and light wood frame, with some minor damage to the frame. 

Signed and inscribed by Charles de Gaulle below the portrait: "A M. Jules Guichet / Bien amicalement ! / 19.2.58 / C. de Gaulle". 

Edition of this work of popular science, composed in prison by the celebrated Brazilian anarchist and philologist José Oiticica.

Minor losses at the upper headcap, spine sunned as is common, together with some wear and a split at the lower left joint measuring 4 cm, and very slightly split at the upper joints as well, offsetting and marginal colour loss to the boards, small tear at the head of the rear board, untrimmed edges.

Minute tear to the margin of the half-title, two old longitudinal folds to the first few leaves.

First edition of a play regarded as historically significant, performed for the first time nineteen days before the execution of Louis XVI, which set all of Paris and then France ablaze to the point of interrupting the King's trial, by a constitutional monarchist playwright.

Nineteenth-century Bradel binding in half brown percaline, smooth spine decorated with a gilt fleuron, red morocco lettering-piece, pebble-pattern marbled paper boards, edges lightly red-speckled.

Corners bumped.

Discreet scattered foxing. 

Minor printing flaw on p. 7.

« Chose curieuse, c'est la presse gaulliste qui attendait le discours de Compiègne avec la curiosité et l'impatience la plus marquées. [...] En fin de compte, le discours de Compiègne n'a apporté rien de neuf. Il a fait entendre que toutes ses mesures étaient arrêtées, et que sans doute aussi ses hommes étaient choisis. Il a déclaré que la situation était trop critique, en France, en Europe et dans le monde, pour permettre qu'on différât davantage. Mais il a persisté cependant à affirmer - c'est du moins ainsi que j'interprète un texte volontairement obscur [biffé : ambigu] - qu'il ne gouvernerait pas dans le cadre des institutions présentes [biffé : anciennes], et qu'il n'accepterait qu'un pouvoir taillé à sa mesure [...] Rien de bon ne peut en sortir, a-t-il conclu ; il n'est que temps de tirer la France de ce marécage pour l'installer sur le sol ferme et salubre de l'Etat fort.
Tout cela va fort bien. Seulement à l'heure même où le général prononçait contre les partis et les institutions parlementaires le réquisitoire altier, l'Assemblée nationale siégeait au Palais Bourbon. Elle promouvait l'examen des propositions relatives au prélèvement René Mayer. Et là, on voyait la coalition du parti gaulliste, avec ces mêmes « séparatistes » que le discours de Compiègne dénonçait comme des traîtres, s'étaler avec une impudence plus scandaleuse de jamais [...] Dénoncer l'impuissance parlementaire tout en l'organisant, stigmatiser la malfaisance et l'immoralité des partis tout en en fournissant l'exemple éhonté, c'est une attitude commode, mais qui brave par trop violemment le bon sens et l'honnêteté.
[...]
Certes, la situation intérieure est sérieuse, et la situation internationale ne l'est pas moins. Mais le redoutable hiver s'achève, le ravitaillement s'améliore. La tendance s'améliore vers la baisse des produits alimentaires s'accentue et s'accentuera dès que le courant parti des Etats-Unis aura atteint l'Europe. A Londres, pour la première fois, des possibilités d'accord sont apparues pour les problèmes allemands, même sur les Réparations, comme j'essaierai de le montrer à Charles Ronsac. A Bruxelles, Grande-Bretagne, France et Bénélux organisent la première cellule de la Fédération des Etats Européens. A Paris, dans quelques jours, les seize nations adhérentes au plan Marshall - qui sera voté avant la fin d'avril, sans restrictions graves ni conditions inapplicables - poseront les bases et étudieront les moyens de la planification économique européenne. Il n'y a qu'à persévérer dans cet effort dont les premiers résultats sont déjà tangibles. Le pays se sauvera lui-même. Il se sauvera par sa confiance en lui-même et par son courage. Il sauvera la Liberté. Il sauvera la Paix."

Autograph letter dated and signed by Charles Vildrac to Henri Barbusse; one page with his monogram blind-stamped in the upper left corner and written in black ink on one leaf, 18 lines.
Postal folds, a small tear at the foot of the letter without any damage to the text.
Charles Vildrac congratulates Henri Barbusse for his militant devotion and dynamism: "J'ai pris connaissance du Manifeste appel pour une ligue internationale des écrivains et j'y adhère sans réserves en applaudissant à votre généreuse initiative." ["I have read the Manifesto calling for an international league of writers and I join it without reservation, applauding your generous initiative."] while criticizing the silence or indifference of certain colleagues in the face of the dangerous rise of fascist and Nazi perils: "Ne pensez-vous pas que l'on pourrait solliciter l'adhésion d'une quantité d'écrivains qui se sont abstenus de toute réaction publique devant les événements... à leur signifier notre opposition à leur attitude ?" ["Don't you think we could solicit the support of a number of writers who have abstained from any public reaction to events... to signify our opposition to their attitude?"]

First edition, one of 55 numbered copies on pur fil paper, most limited deluxe issue.
Endleaves and half-title slightly and partially shaded.
Exceedingly rare and handsome copy of this seminal text of modern feminism.

Our copy is housed in a custom gray clamshell box, square spine titled in red, author's name and subtitles in black, first panel hollowed revealing a black and white photograph of Simone de Beauvoir as a young woman under a plexiglass, title in red, author's name, first volume number and subtitle in black, second panel hollowed revealing a color photograph of the author in her prime under plexiglass, titled in red, author's name, second volume number and subtitle in black, box lined with burgundy paper, superb work by artist Julie Nadot.

"Si quelque part au monde le coeur de la liberté continue à battre, s'il est un lieu d'où ses coups nous parviennent mieux frappés que de partout ailleurs, nous savons tous que ce lieu est l'Espagne." ["If anywhere in the world the heart of freedom continues to beat, if there is a place from which its beats reach us more clearly struck than from anywhere else, we all know that this place is Spain."]

"N'oublions pas que le monstre qui pour un temps nous tient encore à sa merci s'est fait les griffes en Espagne. C'est là qu'il a commencé à faire suinter ses poisons : le mensonge, la division, la démoralisation, la disparition, qui pour la première fois il a fait luire ses buissons de fusils au petit matin, à la tombée du soir ses chambres de torture. Les Hitler, les Mussolini, les Staline, ont eu là leur laboratoire de vivisection, leur école de travaux pratiques. Les fours crématoires, les mines de sel, les escaliers glissants de la N.K.V.D., l'extension à perte de vue du monde concentrationnaire ont été homologués à partir de là. C'est d'Espagne que part l'égouttement de sang indélébile témoignant d'une blessure qui peut être mortelle pour le monde. C'est en Espagne que pour la première fois aux yeux de tous, le droit de vivre libre a été frappé." ["Let us not forget that the monster that still holds us at its mercy for a time sharpened its claws in Spain. It is there that it began to make its poisons seep: lies, division, demoralization, disappearance, where for the first time it made its thickets of rifles gleam in the early morning, its torture chambers at nightfall. The Hitlers, the Mussolinis, the Stalins, had their vivisection laboratory there, their school of practical work. The crematory ovens, the salt mines, the slippery stairs of the N.K.V.D., the endless extension of the concentration camp world were approved from there. It is from Spain that flows the indelible dripping of blood testifying to a wound that may be mortal for the world. It is in Spain that for the first time in everyone's eyes, the right to live free was struck down."]

First edition, one of 350 numbered copies on deckle-edged paper, ours specially printed for General Koenig.
Bradel binding in full white cardboard simulating vellum, spine with four compartments decorated with panels outlined in red, red fillet frame on boards, front cover preserved, top edge red.
Precious autograph inscription from Marcel Bleustein, who took the pseudonym Blanchet during the Resistance, to General Koenig, the great victor of the battle of Bir Hakeim: "Pour monsieur le général Koenig, en témoignage de ma grande admiration et de mon respectueux attachement. Son ancien officier de presse Marcel Bleustein-Blanchet le 24 Nov. 1948" [For General Koenig, as a testimony of my great admiration and respectful attachment. His former press officer Marcel Bleustein-Blanchet, November 24, 1948].
Moving tribute from a Resistance fighter to one of the very first military victors over the Axis forces.

First edition of the French translation established by Emmanuelle de Lesseps.
Handsome and very rare copy.
With a presentation by Christiane Rochefort.

Gender discrimination, hate speech and calls for genocide, violent action with a furious, premeditated and unrepentant murder attempt on one of the most famous artists of the 20th century, promotion of violent anarchy with great scatological laughter, programmed elimination or humiliation of half the human race...
 
In her misandrist pamphlet, Scum manifesto ("Society for Cutting Up Men"), Valerie Solanas shows no empathy, leaves no room for moderation or reconciliation, and grants no exception to her project of eliminating all men except for "men who methodically work toward their own elimination [...] [such as] drag queens who, by their magnificent example, encourage other men to demasculinize themselves and thus render themselves relatively harmless." The first manifesto of radical feminism addresses not only women but also encompasses in its struggle the sexual identities rejected by the phallocratic society that Solanas wants to bring down with unprecedented rage for such a battle.
 
"Life in this society being, at best, an utter bore and no aspect of society being at all relevant to women, there remains to civic-minded, responsible, thrill-seeking females only to overthrow the government, eliminate the money system, institute complete automation and destroy the male sex."
An introduction that in 1971, Emmanuelle de Lesseps, undertaking a French version, would translate as:
"Vivre dans cette société, c'est au mieux y mourir d'ennui. Rien dans cette société ne concerne les femmes. Alors, à toutes celles qui ont un brin de civisme, le sens des responsabilités et celui de la rigolade, il ne reste qu'à renverser le gouvernement, en finir avec l'argent, instaurer l'automation à tous les niveaux et supprimer le sexe masculin." ["Living in this society means, at best, dying of boredom. Nothing in this society concerns women. So, to all those who have a bit of civic-mindedness, a sense of responsibility and of fun, there remains only to overthrow the government, finish with money, establish automation at all levels and eliminate the male sex."]
 
At once an insurrectional political program, paranoid delirium, and poetic text, Solanas's manifesto disturbs through its refusal to be confined within a genre—serious, utopian, or satirical. For the question posed by such a work may not be that of its morality, but of its author's right to claim excess. Published after her murder attempt on Andy Warhol, Solanas's terrible manifesto is the literary and literal assertion that man does not have a monopoly on violence.
 
Although it presents itself as a cry of anger written in urgency, SCUM is in reality the fruit of two years of reflection and writing before being, for lack of a publisher, mimeographed by Solanas in 1967 and sold in the street ($1 for women and $2 for men), without meeting any success.
 
Seeking recognition, Valerie Solanas then moves in the New York underground milieu and befriends the pope of counterculture, Andy Warhol, whose Factory she frequents. Unable to get her manifesto published, "the best text in all of history, which will only be surpassed by my next book," Solanas tackles her first literary work: Up your Ass, a play she wants her mentor to produce. Unfortunately, Warhol refuses the play and loses the unique manuscript. In compensation, he offers his friend a role in two of his films. Solanas is not satisfied with this small artistic success and, on June 3, 1968, fires three times at Andy Warhol, seriously wounding the artist and achieving fame at the same time. The young woman does not hide that her murderous gesture, more than revenge against the artist, is above all a political act and an artistic necessity to allow her to disseminate her work. Thus, questioned about the motivations of her criminal attempt, she submits to justice and the media this laconic response: "Read my manifesto, you will know who I am."
Maurice Girodias, the sulfurous publisher of Olympia Press, condemned several times notably after the publication of Lolita and Naked Lunch, had already noticed Solanas the previous year. He had then rejected her manifesto but had offered her a contract for her future works. After the attack, he finally decides to also publish the feminist pamphlet of this atypical criminal who declares the omnipotence of women and the harmfulness of the male sex. The height of provocation, Girodias reproduces on the back cover the front page of the New York Post, relating Warhol's tragic hospitalization.
 
Is Solanas's book the work of this sick woman, a violated child, a prostituted high school and university student, an adult diagnosed as a paranoid schizophrenic, escaped from several asylums, and who would end her days in extreme solitude and poverty? Or is this interpretation precisely the demonstration of the prohibition for a woman to claim all the extremities of anarchist delirium and utopia that are granted to men?
 
In 1968, at the heart of the interminable Vietnam War, violence is no longer the preserve of oppressors and the rising anger of minorities against the endemic discrimination of the United States manifests itself through violent confrontations and the birth of radical groups such as the Black Panthers. But women remain excluded from demands and their rights are denied by both camps, as Angela Davis and Ella Baker would also denounce.
 
However, unlike them, Solanas adheres to no emancipation struggle and refuses all fashionable utopias which, according to her, only liberate man; woman remaining, at best, a reward:
"Le hippie [...] est follement excité à l'idée d'avoir tout un tas de femmes à sa disposition. [...] L'activité la plus importante de la vie communautaire, celle sur laquelle elle se fonde, c'est le baisage à la chaîne. Ce qui alléche le plus le hippie, dans l'idée de vivre en communauté, c'est tout le con qu'il va y trouver. Du con en libre circulation : le bien collectif par excellence ; il suffit de demander." ["The hippie [...] is wildly excited at the idea of having a whole bunch of women at his disposal. [...] The most important activity of community life, the one on which it is based, is chain fucking. What attracts the hippie most in the idea of living in community is all the cunt he's going to find there. Freely circulating cunt: the collective good par excellence; you just have to ask."]
 
"Laisser tout tomber et vivre en marge n'est plus la solution. Baiser le système, oui. La plupart des femmes vivent déjà en marge, elles n'ont jamais été intégrées. Vivre en marge, c'est laisser le champ libre à ceux qui restent ; c'est exactement ce que veulent les dirigeants ; c'est faire le jeu de l'ennemi ; c'est renforcer le système au lieu de le saper car il mise sur l'inaction, la passivité, l'apathie et le retrait de la masse des femmes." ["Dropping out and living on the margins is no longer the solution. Fucking the system, yes. Most women already live on the margins, they have never been integrated. Living on the margins means leaving the field free to those who remain; it's exactly what the leaders want; it's playing into the enemy's hands; it's strengthening the system instead of undermining it because it relies on the inaction, passivity, apathy and withdrawal of the mass of women."]
 
A true explosion in protest circles, S.C.U.M. divides emerging feminist movements like NOW or Women's Lib and gives birth to radical feminism. Yet, Solanas refuses any affiliation and even rejects the help of militant lawyer Florynce Kennedy by pleading guilty at her trial while Warhol did not want to press charges against her: "I cannot press charges against someone who acts according to their nature. It's in Valerie's nature, so how could I hold it against her." (A fascinating testimony to the mutual psychological hold these two contrary beings had on each other).
 
In a great fireworks display of obscenity and laughing extremism, Solanas's work nevertheless methodically deconstructs the propositions of progressive intellectuals as much as it reveals the irremediably machistic structure of a falsely modern society. "S.C.U.M. stands against the entire system, against the very idea of laws and government. What S.C.U.M. wants is to demolish the system and not obtain certain rights within the system."
 
Fifty years later, Solanas's manifesto remains bitingly acute, and the sometimes delirious verve of its author cannot justify the progressive erasure of her memory in social history, like her own mother destroying all her manuscripts upon her death.
 
Outraged, convinced, or stunned by the cathartic violence of the text, no one claims to emerge unscathed from the S.C.U.M. experience. This is undoubtedly linked to the almost Célinean literary force of Solanas's pen but perhaps also to the undeniable relevance of her revolt:
"Celles qui, selon les critères de notre « culture », sont la lie de la terre, les S.C.U.M. ... sont des filles à l'aise, plutôt cérébrales et tout près d'être asexuées. Débarrassées des convenances, de la gentillesse, de la discrétion, de l'opinion publique, de la « morale », du « respect » des trous-du-cul, toujours surchauffées, pétant le feu, sales et abjectes, les S.C.U.M. déferlent... elles ont tout vu - tout le machin, baise et compagnie, suce-bite et suce-con - elles ont été à voile et à vapeur, elles ont fait tous les ports et se sont fait tous les porcs... Il faut avoir pas mal baisé pour devenir anti-baise, et les S.C.U.M. sont passées par tout ça, maintenant elles veulent du nouveau ; elles veulent sortir de la fange, bouger, décoller, sombrer dans les hauteurs. Mais l'heure de S.C.U.M. n'est pas encore arrivée. La société nous confine encore dans ses égouts. Mais si rien ne change et si la Bombe ne tombe pas sur tout ça, notre société crèvera d'elle-même." ["Those who, according to the criteria of our 'culture,' are the scum of the earth, the S.C.U.M. ... are comfortable girls, rather cerebral and quite close to being asexual. Rid of conventions, kindness, discretion, public opinion, 'morality,' 'respect' for assholes, always overheated, bursting with fire, dirty and abject, the S.C.U.M. surge forth... they have seen everything - the whole thing, fucking and company, cock-sucking and cunt-sucking - they have been both ways, they have done all the ports and have done all the pigs... You have to have fucked quite a bit to become anti-fuck, and the S.C.U.M. have been through all that, now they want something new; they want to get out of the mire, move, take off, sink into the heights. But S.C.U.M.'s time has not yet come. Society still confines us in its sewers. But if nothing changes and if the Bomb doesn't fall on all this, our society will die of itself."]

First edition, one of 17 numbered copies on alfa mousse, the only deluxe copies.
Fine and rare copy.
Henri Alleg describes here his three years spent in preventive detention at Barberousse, the civil prison of Algiers, among his fellow fighters.